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La
columna semanal de
Carlos Alberto Montaner |
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“Se
estima que su columna sindicada es leída por seis millones de
personas. Sus opiniones hacen que tiemblen políticos en España
y América Latina ... Mantendrá su posición como uno de los más
respetados periodistas de la región”.
‘The Powerful 100’, Poder, marzo de 2003.
“His syndicated column is read by an estimated 6 million readers.
His opinions make politician in Spain and Latin America tremble …
He will maintain his position as one of the region’s most
respected journalist”.
‘The Powerful 100’, Poder, March 2003. |


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Firmas Press. Prohibida la reproduccion de los artículos que
aparecen en este medio, sin consentimiento escrito o
electrónico de Firmas Press. |
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No foes, more power
Carlos Alberto Montaner
In the '90s, it was said that Carlos Lage
would lead the transition in Cuba. The first vice president was a tranquil
and polite man in the midst of a usually frenetic tribe beset by a flagrant
case of machismo. I heard Carlos Salinas de Gortari say it, when he was
president of Mexico: ``Lage is the future.''
At that time, the Soviet Union was gone, Cuban communism teetered. It
appears that when Lage talked with foreign politicians in private, he
flirted with democratic ideas and sold himself as the Caribbean Adolfo
Suárez, the Spanish leader who successfully led the political transition
following the death of Francisco Franco in the 1970s.
At the start of the 21st century, the role of the Dauphin was played by
Foreign Minister Felipe Pérez Roque, an engineer who (like Lage) came from
Fidel Castro's entourage. He had been a sort of first assistant to the
comandante, so when Foreign Minister Roberto Robaina was expelled from his
post, Fidel himself anointed Pérez Roque as a substitute because ''he was
the person who best interpreted his thinking.'' Pérez Roque's apotheosis
came in December 2005: He delivered a master class before Parliament, and
everybody, including the Financial Times, declared him heir to the throne.
At that moment, he had the reputation of being a hard, inflexible ``Taliban.''
Draw up charges
A few months later, in July 2006, Fidel Castro fell ill and had to leave the
government precipitously. With the arrival of Raúl Castro to the presidency,
both Lage and Pérez Roque were discreetly sidelined.
The two were cadres selected by Fidel for a hypothetical political
succession, but Raúl did not trust them and had his own ideas about how and
with whom to organize an economic reform and the transmission of authority.
So, Raúl asked Gen. Abelardo Colomé Ibarra, his soul brother and ultra-powerful
minister of the interior, to draw up a good set of charges to remove them
from the game in a flash, along with the other pesky functionaries he wanted
to eliminate.
And that's what happened. Cuba's formidable espionage apparatus has
accumulated proof of petty corruption, continuous nepotism, negligence,
counter-revolutionary behavior by relatives, personal ambition and (most
grave) conveying to foreign politicians and visitors false expectations
regarding purported political changes.
Pérez Roque, who in the opinion of many foreign politicians and diplomats
had been a Taliban in the early days, had turned into a ''reformer.'' So
thought Spanish Foreign Minister Miguel Angel Moratinos, who was betting on
Pérez Roque for the transition.
Once the two targets had been duly ''set up,'' and armed with voluminous
reports from the intelligence services, Raúl, an expert in the art of
decapitating foes, began his methodical task as executioner. He easily
convinced Fidel of the basic disloyalty of the subjects, summoned the
Political Bureau, confronted the accused with proof of their ''immoral and
miserable'' behavior, crushed them emotionally, warning them that their
deeds bordered on treason, for which they deserved to be executed (if the
Revolution weren't so generous) and prepared the conditions for a public
announcement.
This time, however, he had to perform a bothersome task: It was necessary to
explain to dimwit Hugo Chávez what was going to happen, because Lage and
Pérez Roque were his favorite interlocutors, and it wouldn't be fair to
surprise him with their elimination. Insufferable though the Venezuelan may
be, he is the man who feeds Cuba and must be treated like a fine parrot.
A better life
With these and other personages hors de combat, Raúl feels that he has
cleared the way to the Sixth Party Congress, due in the fall, at which he
will arrive with all his trusted people in key positions, so nothing may
escape his control. Meanwhile, total despondency spreads through the
revolutionary ranks, and any illusion of change vanishes. Singer Silvio
Rodríguez is going to live in Argentina, Pablo Milanés is definitely
settling in Galicia, and the children and grandchildren of the nomenklatura
are stealthily departing for any place where there's a hint of a better
life. In Cuba everybody knows that's not going to happen.
March 17, 2009
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